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Sexual practices in youth: analysis of lifetime sexual trajectory and last sexual intercourse. Maria Luiza Heilborn; Cristiane S. The set of practices experienced over the course of their sexual careers is characterized by traits of social belonging, elements from individual life histories, and prescribed rules of conduct for men and women.

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The authors compared the young people's range of lifetime practices and those from last sexual relations in order to discuss the spread and incorporation of practices into life histories. The data point to the hegemony of vaginal sex in both the lifetime repertoire of sexual practices and the last sexual encounters, such that vaginal sex provides the prime definition of heterosexuality. The GRAVAD Research Project differs from more traditional approaches to teenage pregnancy and sexuality to the extent that it is based on a sociological conceptualization valuing contexts and relations to analyze such issues.

We highlight the premise of sexuality as a learning process and sexual experimentation with the partner, such that given events such as pregnancy in adolescence are subject to a wider range of interpretation. We also focus on the concept of youth as a process rather than age groupallowing us to treat life histories and to list certain biographical events for analysis.

We define life history or trajectory as a set of events and situations characterizing a biography; within sexuality this includes the first sexual relation as an event and steady relationships or unions as a situation.

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The study emphasizes the social processes underlying the events in the sphere of sexual and reproductive health, encompassing the process of sexual experimentation with the partner in which the description of sexual practices is crucial for unveiling the sexual culture and profile of gender relations pertaining to a given period in history. Social research on sexuality seeks to describe how individuals according to gender and other social characteristics display specificities in their sexual practices, in order to demonstrate the important influence of the cultural setting and social expectations in this area.

To conceptualize sexual practices is a complex task, since the body techniques amenable to classification as sex acts are the object of social and historical definitions and thus vary according to the cultural context. Sexuality is a domain that demands socialization, like other domains in social life; it is informed by the values ascribed to the sex act, which in turn bears a relationship to the different ties between partners. Based on this point of view, studies on this theme aim to capture the choices and frequency of given types of sexual practices, seeking regularities that point to traits of social belonging, life history like conjugalityreligious affiliation, and especially the influences of behavioral prescriptions for men and women in the reported behaviors.

To investigate sexual practices is also not self-evident. Depending on how questions are posed, it is possible to access different concepts of what is acknowledged as pertaining to a sex act or sexual relations. According to the interviewee's frame of reference, "having sexual relations" may mean only vaginal coitus, or may include intimate caresses of the partner's genitals, for example. In the GRAVAD Research Project, not only sexual relations as defined by sex with penetration vaginal or analbut also sexual practices involving oral sex or masturbation were considered part of the young people's sexual repertoire.

Thus, bodily techniques such as masturbation and oral and anal sex have entered the research agenda for contemporary studies on Brazilian girls sex chicago practices.

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However, it is important to note the differential treatment usually given in surveys on sexual behavior Brazilian girls sex chicago relation to sexual practices and issues referring to sexual orientation: questions on heterosexual relations are frequently drafted with the premise of hegemony of vaginal sex in intercourse, while other types of sexual practices are often not specified, particularly in relation to same-sex partners 2,3.

The reliability of information from respondents is one of the crucial problems in research on sexual practices. Since sexuality is generally viewed as belonging to the private, intimate sphere, doubts frequently arise concerning the accuracy of information in portraying behaviors.

Thus, critiques and doubts are commonplace in relation to surveys on sexuality and the possibility of subjects answering questions on what are considered intimate matters. We share the theoretical premise dear to the social sciences that the interview is a social interaction that incites the interviewee to speak. The responses that subjects provide on sensitive issues are related to biographical contexts. To provide answers on sexual practices involves a recall of sexual acts to which meanings are ascribed as a function of the context in which they have taken place. The presupposition is that sexual relations belong to a broader set of meanings, such as the context of the relationship, the moment in the individual's life history, the partner's attributes, and the feelings involved.

Motivation for the sex act can vary: satisfaction of desire, demonstration of social position, consolidation of an affective relationship, the desire to procreate, etc.

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The meanings are not mutually exclusive and vary according to the moment in the individual's history 4. Although it is impossible to guarantee the veracity of responses in any study, comparison of the with those of other studies on the same theme is one way of ensuring the data's plausibility for analysis and interpretation.

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The current article thus describes the sexual practices experienced in the trajectory of Brazilian youth and analyzes the ways by which such practices comprise their sexual repertoire. It also compares the set of lifetime practices to statements on what was practiced during the last sexual event.

This strategy allows weighing the greater or lesser incorporation of reported practices into the young individual's trajectory. Young people were interviewed in three Brazilian State capitals: Porto Alegre, Rio de Janeiro, and Salvador, located in regions with different characteristics the Northeast, Southeast, and South, respectively. To conduct the quantitative stage of the study, census tracts in each city were stratified and grouped into five strata according to the inhabitants' socioeconomic status head-of-household's mean income and proportion of he of households with at least 12 years of schooling.

Census tract sampling was done independently in each stratum through a random selection proportional to the of year-olds. In each selected census tract, the permanent private households were listed which had residents ranging from 18 to 24 years of age.

Based on these data, 33 households were selected, with equiprobability and without replacement; in these, a young person was selected randomly to be interviewed. Face-to-face interviews were Brazilian girls sex chicago with a questionnaire based on the of the qualitative stage. The instrument has the same list of questions for both sexes.

Questions were worded according to the interviewee's sex. The questionnaire prioritized certain events and situations in the individual's affective and sexual history: first and most recent sexual relations, first relationship lasting at least three months and including sexual relationsfirst union, first separation, first and most recent pregnancy, first and most recent child, first abortion spontaneous and inducedand current partner. Interviewees also answered questions on values and opinions concerning sexuality infidelity, homosexuality, masturbation, etc.

The latter set of questions provides the basis for the we present below, i. The answers refer to the frequency of the acts, offering the interviews the alternatives frequently, sometimes, rarely, or never. As a strategy for treating and analyzing the data presented here, the first three possibilities were grouped as having experienced a given sexual practice, while the alternative never was interpreted as lack of such experience.

Sexual practices were analyzed according to socio-demographic variables like individual schooling and that of the interviewee's mother and life history for example, of lifetime partners and length of sexual activity in yearsbut we only highlight Brazilian girls sex chicago that are useful for analysis and interpretation of the data. Homosexual relations have specificities not only in the range of practices, but also in the link between gender and sexuality, and merit specific analyses.

The following refer to 4, young interviewees Median age at sexual initiation was Types of sexual interaction. Vaginal sex is the most widespread modality of sexual contact among sexually active Brazilian youth. This result expresses the central nature of vaginal coitus as a sexual technique, demarcating and defining heterosexuality. Other practices did not show a similar distribution: oral coitus was the second most commonly practiced, followed by masturbation and finally anal sex.

In addition, the responses varied according to gender. In all cases positive responses were always higher for males than for females: approximately Finally, Some inferences can be drawn concerning this contrast between female and male responses. The lower of positive responses by women may indicate a certain inhibition in talking about sexuality. From a different angle, the higher of reports by males should be interpreted with caution, since this result may reflect the ideology of masculinity in Brazil, whereby constant availability for sex is considered a of virility 5.

Still, the consistent differences between responses by men and women indicate the absence of mutuality in these sexual practices. Such striking distinctions suggest how the sphere of sexuality necessarily includes a game of permanent negotiation between partners and the differential distribution of power between the genders.

Dissemination of oral sex. Oral sex, including two distinct types of oral-genital practices, fellatio and cunnilingus the former meaning sexual stimulation of the penis by oral contact and the latter oral contact with the female sex organdiffers from vaginal coitus since the latter automatically involves mutuality in sexual intercourse. Although oral sex has become increasing accepted and widespread in the social scenario in recent decades, it is not considered a central technique in sexual relations. According to Laumann et al. According to these authors, the spread of oral sex is closely linked to the "sexual revolution" in modern Western society.

They contend that such changes are due to the inclusion of oral sex in the range of practices in conjugal and premarital sexuality. Thus, particularly for women, oral sex especially fellatio is no longer a specific technique of prostitution.

When asked " Have you done oral sex on a partner? Reports differ by gender concerning fellatio and cunnilingus: fellatio is reported by The discrepancy between the responses refers to the dimension of meanings ascribed to these modalities of sexual contact, valued differently by the two genders. Men apparently value fellatio and cunnilingus, while women do not appreciate such practices to the same extent.

Such differences may indicate a lack of mutuality in caresses between partners. They may also express a distinct process of recall of such practices according to the respondent's gender. Schooling is a relevant social characteristic for differences in practicing oral sex: the higher one's educational level, the greater the reported rate of oral sex Table 2. Among youth with low schooling, there is a strong gender asymmetry in the reports: nearly twice as many females as males report never having practiced oral sex.

This difference may be interpreted in two ways: that oral sex is actually not so widespread, particularly among women, or that women are somewhat reticent to reveal it, thus leading to underreporting. On the other hand, the similar levels among men and women with university education especially for cunnilingus indicate greater egalitarianism Brazilian girls sex chicago this social universe.

A questionnaire that focuses on sexual practices can measure to what extent sexual experience changes over life. The process of learning sexuality is reflected as practices are added to the initial repertoire. Thus, reference to oral sex becomes more frequent as time since sexual initiation increases: the rates for recently initiated youth males and females are lower than those reported by individuals with at least six years of sexual activity Table 3.

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Likewise, the of sex partners and stable relationships are important elements in individual socialization concerning sexuality. Both are sources of diversification for experiences, attesting to the gradual acquisition of experience in this area. The percentage of responses claiming "unawareness" of oral sex decreases with the increase in the of partners and longer relationships. Young people's sexual trajectories are thus differentiated according to situations and events such as earlier or later sexual debut, steady as opposed to multiple sex partners, and relationships with greater or lesser intimacy and types of caresses.

Our thus agree with those of renowned authors on sexual behavior: the spread of oral sex illustrates how sexuality is conditioned by the prevailing mindset in a given social context and historical time 6,7,8. Anal practices: the framework of an specific sexual culture.

According to Brazilian common sense, anal sex is an ordinary element in the range of possible forms of sexual intercourse. This representation is pertinent to the social imaginary of youth. Responses by young people in the three Brazilian cities showed a clear contrast with data from international studies: according to our According to the U. Although these Brazilian girls sex chicago are higher than in the study NHSLS 6the male figures are lower than those for Brazilians. There is thus a striking difference in responses by Brazilian males as compared to French and Americans, while the rates reported by Brazilian females are more similar to those of their French and American counterparts.

Another interesting element is the uniformity of behavior according to level of schooling. Unlike oral sex, lack of experience with anal sex is absolutely similar between youth with different educational levels Table 2which also applies for the mother's schooling data not shown.

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The data indicate certain links between sexuality and gender in Brazil: reporting anal sex is a key of the ideology of masculinity. The development of one's affective and sexual career is central to the decision about trying a given type of practice like anal sexalthough the interviewees still have short sexual trajectories because of their young age.

This difference can be interpreted as indicative of a higher degree of intimacy or greater possibility of negotiation in sexual relations as compared to those who have never cohabited. Length of sexual trajectory and socialization along the way also involve different stances for men and women.

Anal sex is reported more frequently by youth who have been sexually active for at least six years, as compared to those have been sexually active for less than a year: the proportion varies from New cultural trends bring changes in the exercise of sexuality, highlighting the close connection between sexuality and culture.

Surveys held at different points in time e. According to the NHSLS in the United States 6unlike oral sex, anal Brazilian girls sex chicago is not part of the commonplace repertoire of sexual practices for most interviewees 6. Most of the responses on the regularity of this practice were sometimes or rarely. Such do not allow stating precisely whether the levels are over or underreported.

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